In contrast, Indo-Aryan has chosen a different, anti-syncretic, strategy of encoding detransitivizing derivational morphology, though with the middle inflection consistently preserved in passive ya-presents. Most Indo-European languages have abandoned the use of middle forms in passive patterns, while Greek is quite conservative and regularly uses middle forms as passives.
We will examine the contrast between non-specialized and specialized markers of the passive in Early Vedic and Greek. The role of the middle (and stative) in the expression of the passive in ancient IE languages raises important theoretical questions and is a testing ground for the methods of syntactic reconstruction. Apart from the suffix *-i̯(e/o)- (for which we cannot reconstruct a passive function in the proto-language) and several nominal derivatives, we do not find sufficient evidence for specialized passive morphology. In Proto-Indo-European the fundamental distinction within the verbal system is between the active and middle, while specialized markers of the passive are lacking and the passive syntactic pattern is encoded with middle inflection. This article examines various aspects of the reconstruction of the passive in Proto-Indo-European (PIE), foremost on the basis of evidence from the Indo-Aryan (Early Vedic) and Greek branches. Our results confirmed Ottósson's (2013) view that the noncausal domain was systematized at a later stage than the causal one. Most remarkably, we showed that: (i) in respect to the debated issue regarding the interpretation of Gothic passives, these can be employed to express noncausal situations (ii) within the causal : noncausal alternation, whereas the causal domain is tied to ja-suffixation, the noncausal domain can be expressed by a variety of means, including na-verbs. The nature of the Gothic corpus (extension, genre, and nature of the text) influenced the results: some constructions were less frequently attested than expected genre influenced the frequency of some verbal usages some marginally attested constructions are owed to the Greek translational source. The coded group comprises the applicative, passive, causal : noncausal, reflexive, and reciprocal alternations.
The uncoded group includes partitive, null object, external possessor, cognate/kindred object, applicative, (marginally) causal : non causal, and (marginally) reflexive alternations. Valency alternations are divided into uncoded and coded patterns. Our data consists of 87 verb meanings based on those in the ValPaL corpus, which we supplemented due to gaps in coverage. Related: Stopped stopping.This paper investigates Gothic valency patterns and alternations applying the methodology of the ValPaL project. Stop-motion is from 1851, originally of looms. Stop-light is from 1922 stop-sign is from 1918. Meaning "make a halt or stay, tarry" is from 1711. Sense of "bring or come to a halt, discontinue" (mid-15c.) is from notion of preventing a flow by blocking a hole, and the word's development in this sense is unique to English, though it since has been widely adopted in other languages perhaps influenced by Latin stupere "be stunned, be stupefied." Intransitive meaning "check oneself" is from 1680s. Century Dictionary says this "suits phonetically," but "is on grounds of meaning somewhat doubtful." Barnhart, for one, proposes the whole Germanic group might be native, from a base *stoppon. These words are said by many sources to be a Germanic borrowing of Vulgar Latin *stuppare "to stop or stuff with tow or oakum" (source of Italian stoppare, French étouper "to stop with tow"), from Latin stuppa "coarse part of flax, tow." In support of this theory, it is said that plugs made of tow were used from ancient times in Rhine valley. Old English -stoppian (in forstoppian "to stop up, stifle"), a general West Germanic word, cognate with Old Saxon stuppon, West Frisian stopje, Middle Low German stoppen, Old High German stopfon, German stopfen "to plug, stop up," Old Low Frankish (be)stuppon "to stop (the ears)."
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